About Me

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Hussam has been a lifelong human rights activist who is passionate about promoting democratic societies, in the US and worldwide, in which all people, including immigrants, workers, minorities, and the poor enjoy freedom, justice, economic justice, respect, and equality. Mr. Ayloush frequently lectures on Islam, media relations, civil rights, hate crimes and international affairs. He has consistently appeared in local, national, and international media. Full biography at: http://hussamayloush.blogspot.com/2006/08/biography-of-hussam-ayloush.html

Thursday, March 12, 2009

Dark Passages: How the Quran and the Bible can be mis-read

Dark passages

Does the harsh language in the Koran explain Islamic violence? Don't answer till you've taken a look inside the Bible

http://www.boston.com/bostonglobe/ideas/articles/2009/03/08/dark_passages/?page=full

WE HAVE A good idea what was passing through the minds of the Sept. 11 hijackers as they made their way to the airports.

Their Al Qaeda handlers had instructed them to meditate on al-Tawba and Anfal, two lengthy suras from the Koran, the holy scripture of Islam. The passages make for harrowing reading. God promises to "cast terror into the hearts of those who are bent on denying the truth; strike, then, their necks!" (Koran 8.12). God instructs his Muslim followers to kill unbelievers, to capture them, to ambush them (Koran 9.5). Everything contributes to advancing the holy goal: "Strike terror into God's enemies, and your enemies" (Koran 8.60). Perhaps in their final moments, the hijackers took refuge in these words, in which God lauds acts of terror and massacre. (Click here for a better understanding of those verses)

On a much lesser scale, others have used the words of the Koran to sanction violence. Even in cases of domestic violence and honor killing, perpetrators can find passages that seem to justify brutal acts (Koran 4.34).

Citing examples such as these, some Westerners argue that the Muslim scriptures themselves inspire terrorism, and drive violent jihad. Evangelist Franklin Graham has described his horror on finding so many Koranic passages that command the killing of infidels: the Koran, he thinks, "preaches violence." Prominent conservatives Paul Weyrich and William Lind argued that "Islam is, quite simply, a religion of war," and urged that Muslims be encouraged to leave US soil. Today, Dutch politician Geert Wilders faces trial for his film "Fitna," in which he demands that the Koran be suppressed as the modern-day equivalent to Hitler's "Mein Kampf."

Even Westerners who have never opened the book - especially such people, perhaps - assume that the Koran is filled with calls for militarism and murder, and that those texts shape Islam.

Unconsciously, perhaps, many Christians consider Islam to be a kind of dark shadow of their own faith, with the ugly words of the Koran standing in absolute contrast to the scriptures they themselves cherish. In the minds of ordinary Christians - and Jews - the Koran teaches savagery and warfare, while the Bible offers a message of love, forgiveness, and charity. For the prophet Micah, God's commands to his people are summarized in the words "act justly, and love mercy, and walk humbly with your God" (Micah 6:8). Christians recall the words of the dying Jesus: "Father, forgive them: they know not what they do."

But in terms of ordering violence and bloodshed, any simplistic claim about the superiority of the Bible to the Koran would be wildly wrong. In fact, the Bible overflows with "texts of terror," to borrow a phrase coined by the American theologian Phyllis Trible. The Bible contains far more verses praising or urging bloodshed than does the Koran, and biblical violence is often far more extreme, and marked by more indiscriminate savagery. The Koran often urges believers to fight, yet it also commands that enemies be shown mercy when they surrender. Some frightful portions of the Bible, by contrast, go much further in ordering the total extermination of enemies, of whole families and races - of men, women, and children, and even their livestock, with no quarter granted. One cherished psalm (137) begins with the lovely line, "By the rivers of Babylon we sat and wept"; it ends by blessing anyone who would seize Babylon's infants and smash their skulls against the rocks.

To say that terrorists can find religious texts to justify their acts does not mean that their violence actually grows from those scriptural roots. Indeed, such an assumption itself is based on the crude fundamentalist formulation that everything in a given religion must somehow be authorized in scripture. The difference between the Bible and the Koran is not that one book teaches love while the other proclaims warfare and terrorism, rather it is a matter of how the works are read. Yes, the Koran has been ransacked to supply texts authorizing murder, but so has the Bible

If Christians or Jews want to point to violent parts of the Koran and suggest that those elements taint the whole religion, they open themselves to the obvious question: what about their own faiths? If the founding text shapes the whole religion, then Judaism and Christianity deserve the utmost condemnation as religions of savagery. Of course, they are no such thing; nor is Islam.

But the implications run still deeper. All faiths contain within them some elements that are considered disturbing or unacceptable to modern eyes; all must confront the problem of absorbing and reconciling those troubling texts or doctrines. In some cases, religions evolve to the point where the ugly texts so fade into obscurity that ordinary believers scarcely acknowledge their existence, or at least deny them the slightest authority in the modern world. In other cases, the troubling words remain dormant, but can return to life in conditions of extreme stress and conflict. Texts, like people, can live or die. This whole process of forgetting and remembering, of growing beyond the harsh words found in a text, is one of the critical questions that all religions must learn to address.

Faithful Muslims believe that the Koran is the inspired word of God, delivered verbatim through the prophet Mohammed. Non-Muslims, of course, see the text as the work of human hands, whether of Mohammed himself or of schools of his early followers. But whichever view we take, the Koran as it stands claims to speak in God's voice. That is one of the great differences between the Bible and the Koran. Even for dedicated fundamentalists, inspired Bible passages come through the pen of a venerated historical individual, whether it's the Prophet Isaiah or the Apostle Paul, and that leaves open some chance of blaming embarrassing views on that person's own prejudices. The Koran gives no such option: For believers, every word in the text - however horrendous a passage may sound to modern ears - came directly from God.

We don't have to range too far to find passages that horrify. The Koran warns, "Those who make war against God and his apostle . . . shall be put to death or crucified" (Koran 5.33). Other passages are equally threatening, though they usually have to be wrenched out of context to achieve this effect. One text from Sura (Chapter) 47 begins "O true believers, when you encounter the unbelievers, strike off their heads."

But in such matters, the Bible too has plenty of passages that read painfully today. Tales of war and assassination pervade the four books of Samuel and Kings, where it is hard to avoid verses justifying the destruction of God's enemies. In a standard English translation of the Old Testament, the words "war" and "battle" each occur more than 300 times, not to mention all the bindings, beheadings, and rapes.

The richest harvest of gore comes from the books that tell the story of the Children of Israel after their escape from Egypt, as they take over their new land in Canaan. These events are foreshadowed in the book of Deuteronomy, in which God proclaims "I will make my arrows drunk with blood, and my sword shall devour flesh" (Deut. 32:42). We then turn to the full orgy of militarism, enslavement, and race war in the Books of Joshua and Judges. Moses himself reputedly authorized this campaign when he told his followers that, once they reached Canaan, they must annihilate all the peoples they find in the cities specially reserved for them (Deut. 20: 16-18).

Joshua, Moses's successor, proves an apt pupil. When he conquers the city of Ai, God commands that he take away the livestock and the loot, while altogether exterminating the inhabitants, and he duly does this (Joshua 8). When he defeats and captures five kings, he murders his prisoners of war, either by hanging or crucifixion. (Joshua 10). Nor is there any suggestion that the Canaanites and their kin were targeted for destruction because they were uniquely evil or treacherous: They happened to be on the wrong land at the wrong time. And Joshua himself was by no means alone. In Judges again, other stories tell of the complete extermination of tribes with the deliberate goal of ending their genetic lines.

In modern times, we would call this genocide. If the forces of Joshua and his successor judges committed their acts in the modern world, then observers would not hesitate to speak of war crimes. They would draw comparisons with the notorious guerrilla armies of Uganda and the Congo, groups like the appalling Lord's Resistance Army. By comparison, the Koranic rules of war were, by the standards of their time, quite civilized. Mohammed wanted to win over his enemies, not slaughter them.

Not only do the Israelites in the Bible commit repeated acts of genocide and ethnic cleansing, but they do so under direct divine command. According to the first book of Samuel, God orders King Saul to strike at the Amalekite people, killing every man, woman, and child, and even wiping out their livestock (1 Samuel 15:2-3). And it is this final detail that proves Saul's undoing, as he keeps some of the animals, and thereby earns a scolding from the prophet Samuel. Fortunately, Saul repents, and symbolizes his regrets by dismembering the captured enemy king. Morality triumphs.

The Bible also alleges divine approval of racism and segregation. If you had to choose the single biblical story that most conspicuously outrages modern sentiment, it might well be the tale of Phinehas, a story that remains unknown to most Christian readers today (Numbers 25: 1-15). The story begins when the children of Israel are threatened by a plague. Phinehas, however, shrewdly identifies the cause of God's anger: God is outraged at the fact that a Hebrew man has found a wife among the people of Midian, and through her has imported an alien religion. Phinehas slaughters the offending couple - and, mollified, God ends the plague and blesses Phinehas and his descendants. Modern American racists love this passage. In 1990, Richard Kelly Hoskins used the story as the basis for his manifesto "Vigilantes of Christendom." Hoskins advocated the creation of a new order of militant white supremacists, the Phineas Priesthood, and since then a number of groups have assumed this title, claiming Phinehas as the justification for terrorist attacks on mixed-race couples and abortion clinics.

Modern Christians who believe the Bible offers only a message of love and forgiveness are usually thinking only of the New Testament. Certainly, the New Testament contains far fewer injunctions to kill or segregate. Yet it has its own troublesome passages, especially when the Gospel of John expresses such hostility to the Ioudaioi, a Greek word that usually translates as "Jews." Ioudaioi plan to stone Jesus, they plot to kill him; in turn, Jesus calls them liars, children of the Devil.

Various authorities approach the word differently: I might prefer, for instance, to interpret it as "followers of the oppressive Judean religious elite," Or perhaps "Judeans." But in practice, any reputable translation has to use the simple and familiar word, "Jew," so that we read about the disciples hiding out after the Crucifixion, huddled in a room that is locked "for fear of the Jews." So harsh do these words sound to post-Holocaust ears that some churches exclude them from public reading.

Commands to kill, to commit ethnic cleansing, to institutionalize segregation, to hate and fear other races and religions . . . all are in the Bible, and occur with a far greater frequency than in the Koran. At every stage, we can argue what the passages in question mean, and certainly whether they should have any relevance for later ages. But the fact remains that the words are there, and their inclusion in the scripture means that they are, literally, canonized, no less than in the Muslim scripture.

Whether they are used or not depends on wider social attitudes. When America entered the First World War, for instance, firebrand preachers drew heavily on Jesus' warning that he came not to bring peace, but a sword. As it stands, that is not much of a text of terror, but if one is searching desperately for a weapon-related verse, it will serve to justify what people are going to do anyway

Interpretation is all, and that changes over time. Religions have their core values, their non-negotiable truths, but they also surround themselves with many stories not essential to the message. Any religion that exists over long eras absorbs many of the ideas and beliefs of the community in which it finds itself, and reflects those in its writings. Over time, thinkers and theologians reject or underplay those doctrines and texts that contradict the underlying principles of the faith as it develops. However strong the textual traditions justifying war and conflict, believers come instead to stress love and justice. Of course Muslim societies throughout history have engaged in jihad, in holy war, and have found textual warrant so to do. But over time, other potent strains in the religion moved away from literal warfare. However strong the calls to jihad, struggle, in Islamic thought, the hugely influential Sufi orders taught that the real struggle was the inner battle to control one's sinful human instincts, and this mattered vastly more than any pathetic clash of swords and spears. The Greater Jihad is one fought in the soul.

Often, such reforming thinkers are so successful that the troublesome words fade utterly from popular consciousness, even among believers who think of themselves as true fundamentalists. Most Christian and Jewish believers, even those who are moderately literate in scriptural terms, read their own texts extraordinarily selectively. How many Christian preachers would today find spiritual sustenance in Joshua's massacres? How many American Christians know that the New Testament demands that women cover their hair, at least in church settings, and that Paul's Epistles include more detailed rules on the subject than anything written in the Koran? This kind of holy amnesia is a basic component of religious development. It does not imply rejecting scriptures, but rather reading them in the total context of the religion as it progresses through history.

Alternatively, one can choose to deny that historical experience, and seize on any available word or verse that authorizes the violence that is already taking place - but once someone has decided to do that, it scarcely matters what the text actually says.

Philip Jenkins teaches at Penn State University. He is the author of "The Lost History of Christianity: The Thousand-Year Golden Age of the Church in the Middle East, Africa, and Asia -- and How It Died."

A young Turkish girl reciting a powerful poem about the Prophet Mohammad (really impressive)

Breach of Trust: FBI Wants it Both Ways

New University
University of California, Irvine
by Editorial Board
Mar 09 2009

Imagine a man walks into your school, work, place of worship, community—a place you consider a home away from home. He gives you his name, origins and occupation, and assures you he is of your kind but declares he’s new. So you take him under your wing, befriend him and introduce him to your world.

But this man doesn’t appear to be the most reputable of the bunch—you brush off his criticisms of the U.S. as zeal, but soon his words take an increasingly violent turn, and you become more than a little worried. You report the not-so-favorable-man-after-all to the authorities. A few months later, you find yourself behind bars.

Turns out the guy you had earlier befriended and confided in was actually an undercover federal informant, and you were his latest victim. Good times, eh?

The times were anything but pleasant for Ahmadullah Niazi, a 34-year-old Tustin man who suffered a similar experience at the hands of Craig Monteilh. According to Monteilh, the FBI paid him sums ranging from $2,500 a month to as high as $11,200 from July 2006 to October 2007 to infiltrate several different mosques in Orange County, including the Islamic Center of Irvine (ICOI), which Niazi attended. Monteilh, a self-proclaimed light-skinned African-American, presented himself to members of the Irvine mosque as an immigrant of French and Syrian descent who was interested in converting to Islam, as per the agreement with the FBI, and proceeded down a trail of fabricating spirituality and forging friendships with community members. Among them was Niazi.

When Monteilh, a convicted con artist, began shifting religious discussions to those of “operations” against U.S. military targets, suggesting that he had access to weapons and, according to court documents, trying to recruit people to “join him in a terrorist plot,” community members felt threatened and the mosque obtained a restraining order against Monteilh. Niazi was the one who first approached the FBI regarding a man at ICOI who had been speaking about blowing up buildings.

Niazi reported that FBI officials later contacted him to ask him to be a paid informant. When he refused, he said they threatened to make his life “a living hell.” Niazi was arrested Feb. 20 on charges related to lying on his immigration documents, regarding a possible relative – his sister’s husband – who may have been linked to a terrorist organization.

This incident is alarming to the American Muslim community in Orange County, who had been working hard to establish and maintain good relations with the FBI, according to the Muslim Public Affairs Council (MPAC) and the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR), and sets the already tender relationship back to square one. So was sending in an undercover informant (and possibly more) to spy on community members and instigate violent rhetoric in mosques while supposedly working diligently to develop a “partnership” with that same community on the surface really the best approach? We beg to differ.

The FBI’s choice for an informant has all the reliability of a toad. Monteilh is openly an ex-convict who was convicted of fraud and grand theft and recently served a prison sentence for swindling two women out of more than $157,000. According to Monteilh, the FBI promised to clear his record of a 2008 grand-theft conviction, so one can bet the man was more than willing to jump on the case. And by offering him a large monthly salary, they surely made themselves prone to some amount of dishonest information from a man with this track record.

According to the Los Angeles Times, “Kenneth Piernick, a former FBI counter-terrorism official who is a consultant in Virginia, said parsing out what’s true and what’s not, even from someone deemed to be a reliable informant, can be challenging. He said informants can be egotistical, manipulative and dishonest. Those who are getting paid, he said, have been known to ‘exaggerate information, or even invent it’ to keep the money flowing.”

Furthermore, Monteilh breached the trust of the FBI by coming out to confess his part as an agent provocateur, which according to him, was because the FBI neglected to remove the restraining order placed on him by the mosque, place him in a witness protection program, give him a final payment of $100,000 and grant other benefits in an exit package, all of which Monteilh says had been promised to him. These apparent violations prove just how reliable Monteilh and the information he provided most likely were.

Moreover, Monteilh’s method of obtaining information from community members was a violation and erroneous. According to the Attorney General’s Guidelines on Federal Bureau of Investigation Undercover Operations Section II.3.b, an undercover employee is prohibited from initiating or instigating any plan to commit criminal acts, unless “There is reasonable indication that the subject is engaging, has engaged, or is likely to engage in the illegal activity proposed or in similar illegal conduct; or the opportunity for illegal activity has been structured so that there is reason to believe that any persons drawn to the opportunity, or brought to it, are predisposed to engage in the contemplated illegal conduct.” Entrapment, when a government agency “implants in the mind of a person who is not otherwise disposed to commit the offense the disposition to commit the offense and then induces the commission of that offense in order to prosecute,” is to be completely avoided.

If these rules hold true, unfortunate as they are in their breaching of civil liberties in the offset, then Monteilh was quite possibly playing very much out of the rulebook in inviting people left and right to “join him in a terrorist plot.” Unless every single person who entered the mosque was a pinpointed suspect of the FBI for possible terrorist connections or a determined threat, and unless it was strongly believed that any of them would, had or was likely to engage in the illegal activity Monteilh was proposing – in this case, as a former Islamic Center president Asim Khan stated, “a 9/11-type operation” – then Monteilh was out of his limits when confronting several community members with possible terrorist schemes.

Furthermore, his behavior inherently violates the right to freedom of speech, since it assumes a passing comment or a less-than-serious response can quite possibly be taken as a declaration of guilt, especially in the hands of an unreliable informant as Monteilh.

For the most part, people appeared quite threatened by what Monteilh was declaring, and thus the restraining order was enforced and Niazi and other community members complained to the FBI that Monteilh was a possible threat. Whether or not you believe Niazi and numerous other people who claimed the FBI had threatened them to enlist as informants (or suffer the consequences), what sort of message does it send when men who have been falsely accused of having terrorist ties fulfill their patriotic duty of alerting the FBI to a possible terrorist threat, only to find that not only does the FBI ignore the report, but that they arrest these very men soon thereafter? Members of the Muslim community know too well the experience of facing suspicion from outsiders about where thier true loyalty lies, thus catapulting them outside of the realm of “Americanness.”

And was this entire operation even successful? We may never know if the FBI reaped any real benefits from this venture, but to our knowledge the man they arrested was charged largely on immigration terms; though it clouded most of the case, he wasn’t even charged with terrorism.

Thus, it appears the FBI achieved little from this months-long project; meanwhile, their breach of the unspoken contract between the Bureau and the Muslim community has led to suspicions and possibly some mistrust among its members, fearful of letting their tongues too loose among newcomers in the fear that their words may be misinterpreted as incriminating. Muslims have experienced a climate of fear due to previous FBI monitoring and their wariness has only increased, according to a board member of the Islamic Center of Norco, and other Muslim leaders testify to a decrease in mosque attendance and donations, in the fear that their money may be linked to what the FBI might deem a terrorist organization.

But more importantly, this incident has yielded to doubts about future relations with the FBI, who ironically just the Monday before Niazi’s arrest had sent a member to the MPAC, where an official stated: “Too often, we run up against a wall between law enforcement and the community — a wall based on myth and misperception of the work we do … Oftentimes, the communities from which we need the most help are those who trust us the least. But it is in these communities that we must re-double our efforts. The simple truth is that we cannot do our jobs without the trust of the American people.”

The FBI should redouble efforts to maintain honest communication with the affected Muslim community. As this incident shows, the American Muslim community, just like all other Americans, has shown it is willing to take part in its patriotic duty and inform the FBI of any suspicious or threatening activity taking place in its mosques or gatherings. Furthermore, reports from the CAIR state that the growing relationship between the FBI and Muslim community had fostered dialogue, partnerships and understanding between the two groups while decreasing any mutual suspicion; community members were more likely to report any criminal activities to the FBI and law enforcement then before. And CAIR had worked with the FBI in the past to call on certain persons of interest to turn themselves in.

Ultimately, the FBI should work to reverse the idea that they continue to view the American Muslim community in Orange County as suspect and fix the dent in their positive relationship with them, sans the undercover agents, because as MPAC’s senior advisor, Maher Hathout, put it, “People cannot be suspects and partners at the same time.”

Send comments to newuopinion@newuniversity.org. Please include your name, year and major.

Wednesday, March 11, 2009

Banning headcover in Oklahoma. Is it a safety or bigotry issue?

Okla. House Passes Bill Banning Religious Head Coverings

Oklahoma State House last week passed a legislation that would deny a Muslim woman wearing hijab, or people of other faiths who wear religious head coverings, from obtaining a driver's license.



Read CAIR's Response.

(OKLAHOMA CITY, OK, 3/5/09) - The Oklahoma chapter of the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR-OK) today joined other groups concerned with constitutionally-protected religious freedoms to express concern about a bill that bans religious headwear in driver’s licenses and other identification card photos.
Read More

Tuesday, March 10, 2009

Wednesday, March 04, 2009

A MUST WATCH: Israeli animator creates short-film on Gaza blockade

An animator of the celebrated Israeli war film "Waltz with Bashir" has illustrated a new film depicting the life of a fictional boy in the Gaza Strip during the Israeli blockade of the coastal territory.

Yoni Goodman's short film "Closed Zone" runs only a minute and a half and was created for the NGO Gisha, a group devoted to freedom of movement.

A spokesman for Gisha said that "though the use of a single animated character, Goodman tries to cause the viewer to feel empathy for the people of Gaza and see them as they are - a million and a half people who only want to live out their ambitions and dreams, something they cannot do because of their ability to move freely."

read more:
http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/1068622.html

Tuesday, March 03, 2009

Boston Jewish community split on how to deal with anti-Muslim bigot

I am still waiting to read a statement from the ADL and the Museum of "Selective" Tolerance (MOT) denouncing the Nazi-style hate speech of Geert Wilders which was sponsored by Daniel Pipes' MEF and the Republican Jewish Coalition. Of course, I will not be holding my breath.

It is just very puzzling for me to witness how, of all people, a Jewish person can support or even accept this new form of Nazism, but this time against a new group: the Muslims. Aren't the horrific memories of the Holocaust and Auschwitz on their mind? May be the ADL and
the MOT should sponsor free visits to the MOT for such people. You know what, I would love to contribute to such a project, especially if Pipes would go. May be he can learn something.

Fortunately, I hear from enough Jewish friends and activists denouncing such bigotry that I would never judge the whole Jewish community by the actions of the few hatemongers such as Pipes, Emerson, and others.

Such expressions of support for hate and racism makes me even more committed to continue challenging anti-Semitism, Islamophobia, and all forms of racism.

----

Synagogue Hails Dutch Lawmaker as a Hero
Stoughton, Mass.
Penny Schwartz
JTA Wire Service
Jewish Telegraphic Agency

In his home continent, Dutch politician Geert Wilders is something of a pariah, banned from the United Kingdom and facing prosecution in the Netherlands for his harsh views of Islam.

His calls to end immigration from Muslim countries and ban the Koran—he compared it to Hitler’s “Mein Kampf” and said it incites to violence—have earned him broad condemnation in Europe and forced him under the protection of a security detail, a rarity for Dutch leaders.

But in some quarters of the American Jewish community, Wilders is more akin to a hero. At the very least, he was greeted as such by about 250 people last week at a Conservative synagogue in this Boston-area town.

The boisterous crowd at the Ahavath Torah Congregation gave Wilders, who heads the Dutch Party for Freedom and serves in the parliament, a standing ovation and shouted “Bravo” at the conclusion of his speech.

In an event co-sponsored by the Middle East Forum’s Legal Project and the Republican Jewish Coalition, Wilders made his only synagogue appearance on his recent tour of the United States, where he appeared on cable news networks and radio talk shows, spoke at the National Press Club and held a private showing of his anti-radical Islam film “Fitna” for senators and their staff on Capitol Hill...

“If our collective voice is impeded from speaking” or “shut down,” said [Daniel] Pipes, then “the way is paved for radical Islam to move ahead.”...

Republican Jewish Coalition executive director Matt Brooks takes a similar position, saying that while he also opposes banning the Koran, he believes Wilders’ views should still be given a hearing...

Bjorn Larsen, whose International Free Press Society arranged Wilders’ U.S. tour, said the Dutch politician was invited personally by the rabbi at Ahavath Torah, Jonathan Hausman...

There were no protests at Wilders’ speech—there was little advance publicity—and many in the crowd were sympathetic to his arguments. Andrew Warren of Sharon said he wanted to judge for himself whether Wilders is xenophobic, and said afterwards that Wilders had not crossed the line.

“The unfortunate reality is that a lot of troubling passages in the Koran are being embraced by militant ideology,” Warren said.

Louise Cohen of Brookline described Wilders as a hero and a man of courage...

While unaware of Wilders’ call to ban the Koran, Cohen said his film makes a case that the Koran is a hate document.

That view troubles Ron Newman, who said Wilders took certain verses from the Koran that appeared to promote violence and used them to generalize about all of Islam.

Saying that a similar approach could be used with portions of the Torah, Newman cautioned that the line of reasoning could be used to produce an anti-Semitic film.

“I don’t like that being done to us,” he said. “I don’t support people who do that to others.”

Monday, March 02, 2009

L.A. area Muslims say FBI surveillance has a chilling effect

From the Los Angeles Times
By Teresa Watanabe and Paloma Esquivel

March 1, 2009

The Islamic Center of Irvine is a beige stucco building that blends into the rows of office buildings surrounding it. But last week, it became the most publicized mosque in California with disclosures that the FBI sent an informant there to spy and collect evidence of jihadist rhetoric and other allegedly extremist acts by a Tustin man who attended prayers there.

The revelations dismayed mosque members like Omar Turbi, 50, and his 27-year-old son who shares his name. After Friday prayer service last week, while hundreds of others scurried back to work, the pair stood with their backs to a wall and mulled over the news.

"It gives you a little bit of apprehension about who you trust," the elder Turbi said. "Makes you think twice about what you say; what if people misunderstand you?"

Turbi's fears were echoed by other Muslims throughout Southern California last week. Some say a climate of suspicion toward them, fueled by 9/11 and underscored by the latest disclosures of FBI surveillance, is inhibiting their freedoms of speech and faith.

According to Muslim leaders, some people are avoiding mosques, preferring to pray at home. Others are reducing donations to avoid attracting government attention or paying in cash to avoid leaving records. And some mosques have asked speakers to refrain from political messages in their sermons, such as criticism of U.S. foreign policy, said Hussam Ayloush, executive director of the Council on American-Islamic Relations in Anaheim.

"Some average Muslims interested only in praying are avoiding mosques for fear of somehow being monitored or profiled," Ayloush said. "Everybody is afraid, and it is leading to an infringement of the free practice of our religion."

The latest anxiety wave was triggered by an FBI agent's testimony last week that an informant was sent into several Orange County mosques and helped collect evidence against Ahmadullah Sais Niazi. The Afghanistan-born Niazi, 34, is scheduled for arraignment this month on charges of perjury, naturalization fraud and other acts related to lying about ties to Al Qaeda.

A man claiming to be that informant, Irvine resident Craig Monteilh, said last week in interviews and court documents that he served the FBI as a paid informant from July 2006 to October 2007 and used concealed audio and video equipment to record thousands of hours of conversations with Muslims in homes, restaurants and mosques in Irvine, Tustin, Mission Viejo and elsewhere.

But Ayloush and other Muslim leaders said that FBI scrutiny of the Muslim community -- and efforts to recruit informants -- began years ago. The FBI declined to comment.

Both Ayloush and Shakeel Syed of the Islamic Shura Council of Southern California, an umbrella organization of 68 area mosques, said numerous Muslims have reported to them attempts by the FBI to recruit them as informers. In virtually all cases, they said, the Muslims in question had immigration and other legal problems or were applying for green cards. "We will make your problems vanish if you cooperate," Syed said the FBI told Muslims.

Suspecting widespread surveillance of their community, several American Muslim organizations and their leaders filed a Freedom of Information Act request, followed in 2007 by a lawsuit against the federal government, demanding the release of all information collected on them.

Muslims have also complained of FBI interrogations about their charitable contributions, asking why were they donating and who was receiving their money. At one Los Angeles-area mosque, nearly every donor was quizzed by the FBI, and the mosque subsequently experienced a steep decline in donations, Ayloush said.

Leaders at other mosques also say their contributions are down, although most attribute much of the decline to the recession. The Islamic Center of Corona Norco, for instance, has experienced a decline in donations of 30% to 50% in the last three to four years, which board member Rafe Husain attributed both to the economy and what he called a climate of fear. "People feel tense and uncomfortable," Husain said. "I've talked to some people who try to avoid mosque activity."

Since 9/11, federal authorities have also shut down at least six of the Muslim community's major charitable organizations, accusing them of involvement in terrorist financing. The actions have impeded Muslims from fulfilling the duties of their faith, Syed said, because charitable giving is not a voluntary act in Islam but a religious obligation.

The latest tensions have further frayed relations between the FBI and Muslims.

Since 9/11, the two sides had worked to develop a partnership, forming a Multi-Cultural Advisory Committee to meet monthly.

But the FBI unilaterally broke off ties with the American-Islamic council a few weeks ago, issuing a cryptic statement that the agency would limit contact until "certain issues" were addressed by CAIR's national headquarters in Washington.

In protest, Syed's umbrella group of Southern California mosques suspended its contacts with the FBI.

The Muslim Public Affairs Council in Los Angeles remains active with the committee, saying it believes in engagement, but has asked for a meeting with the FBI, said the council's senior advisor, Maher Hathout.

"People cannot be suspects and partners at the same time," he said. "Unless the FBI's style changes, the partnership with the Muslim community will not be fruitful."

At the Irvine mosque, some seemed eager to offer assurances that there was nothing to fear from Muslims.

"We are against any kind of terrorist acts by any person in the community," said Assad Manley, 52, who has attended the Irvine mosque for three years. "If any of us hears anything dangerous we will inform the authorities."

Younus Mohammad, 50, said many Muslims assumed they were under surveillance -- and that did not worry them.

"We know they are coming," Mohammad said. "They will come any time they want, to listen or anything. It's not something we need to hide."